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Beyond the Numbers: The Politics of Reservation

image source: bbc.com

The recent proposal made by the Telangana Government to provide 42% reservation to Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Bihar NDA alliance declaration over 35% reservation to women reignites a familiar debate in Indian politics - how far are we using reservations as a tool of social justice, and where are we using them as a means of political appeasement?                                             

The issue of Reservation and debate around is not new to the Indian political landscape. Quoting Dr. B R Ambedkar on reservations where he argued that “These reservations and safeguards have been given to us because of the historical disabilities which we have suffered.” On this note our constitutional forefathers have envisioned reservation as a collective measure to uplift the historically marginalized communities of the country and create a level playing field. It was never meant to be a permanent solution, but a means to ensure an equitable representation and access in the education, employment and politics. There is no denying that as an initiative of affirmative action reservation indeed successfully helped many Dalit, Adivasi, and backward caste communities rise above deeply entrenched social hierarchies. However, many general critical questions arises : are these benefits truly reaching the most marginalized? Why Reservation being a temporary constitutional provision has not been able to escape especially from the Indian politics? how it has been used as a tool for political appeasement? 

Probing the question are these benefits truly reaching the most marginalized at all?
what the data says?

As per Census 2011 states, 16.6% of SC and 8.6% of ST of the total population. According to National commission for backward classes (NCBC) records, there are 2,633caste groups in the other backward category in the country. Apart from the records there have been a rough estimate that there are around 4000-5000 communities within the OBCs. As per the Rohini Committee Report 2018, 25% of the benefits of the reservation are availed by the top 10 castes, who can be seen as the dominant within the OBCs, 37% of OBCs access 0 benefits which accounts 933 communities and only 994 gets the share of 2.68%. According to global MPI estimates, five out of every six multidimensionally poor in India belongs to SC, ST or Other Backward Class (OBC) households: ST with more than 50% multidimensionally poor, followed by SC with 33.3% and OBC with 27.2%.  This data shows a wide disparity in the distribution subsequently showcasing the fact that legal entitlement is not equal to equitable access. States like Bihar, Jharkand, Chattisgarh, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh contains more than half of population of reserved categories still various data sources and research studies shows their marginalised conditions despite reservation in education and employment. 

A tool of political symbolism?
Political parties, across ideologies, have learned to use reservation as a means to lure caste groups and consolidate vote banks, often extending its promise even to socially dominant communities who have not faced historical discrimination. Jath agitation in Haryana, Maratha protests in Maharashtra, Patidars in Gujrat are recent examples which reflects this shifting narrative. What was meant as a mechanism to uplift the oppressed has, in many cases, turned into a calculated instrument of appeasement, particularly during elections.These are communities that hold considerable social and economic capital, yet their demand for reservation exposes a deeper political competition for symbolic recognition and state resources rather than redressal of historical marginalization. This politicization of reservation exposes a deeper socio political paradox which often gets ignored in the general debates around reservation.


The socio political Paradox
Reservation politics in India often reflects a paradox while designed to uplift the marginalized, its benefits are frequently captured by dominant sub-castes within backward categories who possess greater access to education, information networks, and political influence. This concentration of advantage has created new hierarchies within the framework of affirmative action.  In contrast, remote tribal regions such as Bastar in Chhattisgarh, Mayurbhanj in Odisha, or interior parts of Jharkhand remain administratively and economically isolated, with limited institutional reach and representation. Political mobilization around reservation tends to occur in urban or semi-urban constituencies, reinforcing the visibility of already empowered groups while rendering rural and forest-dwelling populations invisible in policymaking. Moreover, reservation policies have rarely been complemented by sustained investments in education, skill training, and infrastructure measures that are crucial for translating legal entitlement into real empowerment. 
 
Critical Note
In my view, the discourse around reservation in India has increasingly been framed through an economic lens, whereas its foundation was never about income inequality. Reservation emerged as a tool of social justice, intended to correct historical injustices and promote institutional diversity by including communities long excluded on the basis of caste and social status. Yet, the debate today often unfolds far from the realities it seeks to address. From the comfort of metropolitan spaces, it is easy to dismiss reservation without witnessing the persistent discrimination that continues in small towns and remote villages. I find it deeply ironic that many who call for the abolition of reservation rarely speak with equal urgency about dismantling the casteism and social prejudice that made such a policy necessary in the first place.  If we are serious about equity, our approach must evolve. Quotas must be sharpened not diluted and must be matched by developmental infrastructure, targeted support, and strong accountability. The real test lies in whether the girl in a remote village in Bastar or Mayurbhanj can avail what the Constitution promises her not just in theory, but in actual practice.

 
 

Comments

  1. There is need of sub categorization in reservation avail to schedule caste because most of the benefits in field education and job opportunity enjoyed certain castes of SCs community due to which some section unable to get opportunities for their uplifting . According to present situation caste based atrocities and discrimination are prevlent in our society we are unable to get rid from these type of things are 79 years of Independence. Caste based discrimination not only present in rural area but also in urban metropolitan city in people social life , public and private institute , administration etc. Presently there is need of affirmative action for marginalized section of society but benefits of reservation not only avail to same family or community who are enjoying for a long period of time but for those who really wants to get rid from social disparity.

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  2. I agree with much of your points of needed reforms but I believe without eliminating the root cause of the problem that is Casteism policies like reservation can never yield the overall intended outcomes. Moreover, politicization of the issue and wide implementational gaps has far reaching complex implications.

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